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	<title>Comments on: Medicare-for-All: Why We Should Say Yes, Not &#8220;Yes But&#8221;</title>
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	<description>The Policy Journal of the Health Sphere</description>
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		<title>By: Two-thirds of Americans support Medicare-for-all &#171; Single Payer Westchester</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-31859</link>
		<dc:creator>Two-thirds of Americans support Medicare-for-all &#171; Single Payer Westchester</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 10 Dec 2009 21:21:31 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-31859</guid>
		<description>[...] who don’t want to support single-payer legislation – a group Merton Bernstein and Ted Marmor have called “yes [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] who don’t want to support single-payer legislation – a group Merton Bernstein and Ted Marmor have called “yes [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Herndon Alliance&#8217;s misleading messaging leads to failure of real health care reform &#171; Rift Valley</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-31158</link>
		<dc:creator>Herndon Alliance&#8217;s misleading messaging leads to failure of real health care reform &#171; Rift Valley</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 12 Oct 2009 07:09:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-31158</guid>
		<description>[...] are asked. (I won’t critique Herndon’s research because it has been done elsewhere: HERE and HERE). Although it claims to be non-partisan, Herndon has very close ties to the Democratic Party. [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] are asked. (I won’t critique Herndon’s research because it has been done elsewhere: HERE and HERE). Although it claims to be non-partisan, Herndon has very close ties to the Democratic Party. [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Herndon Alliance&#8217;s misleading messaging leads to failure of health care reform at The Social Medicine Portal</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-30168</link>
		<dc:creator>Herndon Alliance&#8217;s misleading messaging leads to failure of health care reform at The Social Medicine Portal</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 24 Aug 2009 19:39:49 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-30168</guid>
		<description>[...] are asked. (I won’t critique Herndon’s research because it has been done elsewhere: HERE and HERE). Although it claims to be non-partisan, Herndon has very close ties to the Democratic Party. [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] are asked. (I won’t critique Herndon’s research because it has been done elsewhere: HERE and HERE). Although it claims to be non-partisan, Herndon has very close ties to the Democratic Party. [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Tensegrities &#187; Blog Archive &#187; Medicare for all</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-23306</link>
		<dc:creator>Tensegrities &#187; Blog Archive &#187; Medicare for all</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 07 Sep 2008 15:37:08 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-23306</guid>
		<description>[...] serious policy wonks point out why our rallying cry should be &#8220;Medicare for all.&#8221; If you care about single-payer health insurance, learn why this is a great slogan. And for [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] serious policy wonks point out why our rallying cry should be &#8220;Medicare for all.&#8221; If you care about single-payer health insurance, learn why this is a great slogan. And for [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Kip Sullivan</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-23291</link>
		<dc:creator>Kip Sullivan</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 05 Sep 2008 20:03:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-23291</guid>
		<description>Simpson says it’s “incredibly dishonest” to say Medicare’s overhead is “lower” (than that of health insurance companies, presumably). Simpson’s statement ignores the facts, and is illogical. 

First the facts.

According to the latest annual report of the Medicare board of trustees (these reports are required by law), Medicare spent $431.5 billion dollars in 2007. Of this amount, $6.3 billion was administrative expenditures (or overhead). If we do the math, we determine that Medicare’s overhead was 1.5 percent of its expenditures. Other data presented in the trustees report indicate Medicare’s overhead was about 2 percent throughout this decade, about 2 percent during the 1990s, and about 3 percent in the 1980s. 

During the last three or four decades, the comparable figure for health insurance companies has been 20 percent while the comparable figure for self-insured firms has been about 10 percent. I think it is safe to say all reasonable people would agree that 2 percent is “lower” than 20 percent and 10 percent. 

Even if you didn’t know these figures, your common sense tells you Medicare’s overhead costs have to be lower than the insurance industry’s. Medicare spends little or nothing on a variety of administrative activities that insurance companies spend substantial sums of money on, including: 

* marketing; 
* underwriting (which means doing the research necessary to determine applicants’ health histories and whether to insure them and if so at what price); 
* making routine use of “utilization review” (aka telling doctors how to practice medicine); 
* restricting patients’ choice of provider (it costs money to assemble “networks” of providers that include some providers and exclude others); 
* lobbying; 
* financing costly salaries and perks for executives; and 
* financing profits. 

(I consider profit to be a subset of administrative costs, others don’t. Insurance companies typically allocate 3 to 5 percent of their revenues or expenditures to profit.)

Among experts who publish in peer-reviewed journals, the 2-percent figure for Medicare is widely (probably universally) accepted. I offer two examples of expert opinion from the conservative side of the health care reform debate: the Lewin Group, and a coalition of organizations and individuals that signed an open letter to Congress in 1999.

The Lewin Group is a consulting firm which is on record criticizing single-payer proponents. It often makes unjustifiably favorable assumptions about the cost-cutting abilities of health insurance companies. It was purchased by United Health Group last year. It uses the 2-percent figure to estimate Medicare’s overhead costs and the overhead costs of Medicare-like systems (cf the Lewin Group’s reports for the states of California and Colorado). 

In 1999, a coalition of conservative and middle-of-the road groups and individuals signed an open letter to Congress begging Congress to raise Medicare’s administrative spending level to the level “found in the private sector” so that Medicare would be better equipped to function like a managed care insurance company. The coalition included the Heritage Foundation, the former Health Insurance Association of America (the trade group that represented the non-HMO wing of the health insurance industry), the American Enterprise Institute, the Concord Coalition, and Wellpoint Health Networks. 

This coalition stated that Medicare’s overhead was less than 2 percent. Here is how they put it: “The latest report of the Medicare trustees points out that HCFA’s administrative expenses represented only 1 percent of the outlays of the Hospital Insurance trust fund [which finances Part A] and less than 2 percent of the Supplementary Medical Insurance trust fund [which at that time financed Part B]” (Heritage Foundation et al., “Open letter to Congress and the executive: Crisis facing HCFA and millions of Americans,” Health Affairs 1999;18(1):8-10, 8). Obviously, the average of these two trust funds comes to less than 2 percent.

Now that the basic facts are in front of us, let&#039;s examine Simpson’s strange logic. It is strange in two ways.

First, Simpson assumes undetected fraud is a problem only for Medicare. It is in fact a serious problem for all health insurers, public and private. The US GAO has estimated that fraud eats up 10 percent of all US spending on health care. A national coalition against fraud, which includes US health insurance companies, puts the total at closer to 3 percent. Whatever the accurate number, fraud is occurring at epidemic levels, and it is afflicting private-sector insurers as well as public insurers. If we’re going to charge Medicare with higher-than-reported overhead costs because Medicare is not immune to fraud, then we must do the same for private insurers. If we do that, Medicare’s low overhead costs remain low vis a vis the insurance industry’s overhead costs.

But Simpson’s proposal that we raise our estimate of an insurer’s overhead by the amount by which the insurer is defrauded is irrational, arguably delusional. We may all fervently wish that public and private insurers spent enough money to eliminate fraud. (I am as upset as Simpson is by the Bush administration’s devil-may-care attitude about private-sector corporations ripping off the taxpayer, be it wheelchair manufacturers defrauding Medicare or Halliburton defrauding the Pentagon.) But our wishes can’t change reality – our wishes can’t change what Medicare or any other insurer actually spent on fraud detection in 2007 or any other year. 

But just to humor Simpson, let’s follow his odd logic to its conclusion. Let’s raise Medicare’s overhead costs and total spending by the $2.8 billion in fraud that Simpson says Medicare failed to detect and see what happens to Medicare’s overhead ratio, and let’s for kicks just totally ignore fraud committed against the private sector. Total spending for Medicare in 2007 would rise to $431.5 + $2.8 = $434.3. Administrative spending would rise to $6.3 + $2.8 = $9.1 billion. Medicare&#039;s new Simpson-style overhead ratio is no longer 1.5 percent but is instead 2.1 percent, still far lower than the comparable figure for health insurance companies or even self-insured firms.

I won’t return Simpson the favor of calling him “incredibly dishonest” because he got his facts so wrong. I will say I think he wrote a very sloppy post.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Simpson says it’s “incredibly dishonest” to say Medicare’s overhead is “lower” (than that of health insurance companies, presumably). Simpson’s statement ignores the facts, and is illogical. </p>
<p>First the facts.</p>
<p>According to the latest annual report of the Medicare board of trustees (these reports are required by law), Medicare spent $431.5 billion dollars in 2007. Of this amount, $6.3 billion was administrative expenditures (or overhead). If we do the math, we determine that Medicare’s overhead was 1.5 percent of its expenditures. Other data presented in the trustees report indicate Medicare’s overhead was about 2 percent throughout this decade, about 2 percent during the 1990s, and about 3 percent in the 1980s. </p>
<p>During the last three or four decades, the comparable figure for health insurance companies has been 20 percent while the comparable figure for self-insured firms has been about 10 percent. I think it is safe to say all reasonable people would agree that 2 percent is “lower” than 20 percent and 10 percent. </p>
<p>Even if you didn’t know these figures, your common sense tells you Medicare’s overhead costs have to be lower than the insurance industry’s. Medicare spends little or nothing on a variety of administrative activities that insurance companies spend substantial sums of money on, including: </p>
<p>* marketing;<br />
* underwriting (which means doing the research necessary to determine applicants’ health histories and whether to insure them and if so at what price);<br />
* making routine use of “utilization review” (aka telling doctors how to practice medicine);<br />
* restricting patients’ choice of provider (it costs money to assemble “networks” of providers that include some providers and exclude others);<br />
* lobbying;<br />
* financing costly salaries and perks for executives; and<br />
* financing profits. </p>
<p>(I consider profit to be a subset of administrative costs, others don’t. Insurance companies typically allocate 3 to 5 percent of their revenues or expenditures to profit.)</p>
<p>Among experts who publish in peer-reviewed journals, the 2-percent figure for Medicare is widely (probably universally) accepted. I offer two examples of expert opinion from the conservative side of the health care reform debate: the Lewin Group, and a coalition of organizations and individuals that signed an open letter to Congress in 1999.</p>
<p>The Lewin Group is a consulting firm which is on record criticizing single-payer proponents. It often makes unjustifiably favorable assumptions about the cost-cutting abilities of health insurance companies. It was purchased by United Health Group last year. It uses the 2-percent figure to estimate Medicare’s overhead costs and the overhead costs of Medicare-like systems (cf the Lewin Group’s reports for the states of California and Colorado). </p>
<p>In 1999, a coalition of conservative and middle-of-the road groups and individuals signed an open letter to Congress begging Congress to raise Medicare’s administrative spending level to the level “found in the private sector” so that Medicare would be better equipped to function like a managed care insurance company. The coalition included the Heritage Foundation, the former Health Insurance Association of America (the trade group that represented the non-HMO wing of the health insurance industry), the American Enterprise Institute, the Concord Coalition, and Wellpoint Health Networks. </p>
<p>This coalition stated that Medicare’s overhead was less than 2 percent. Here is how they put it: “The latest report of the Medicare trustees points out that HCFA’s administrative expenses represented only 1 percent of the outlays of the Hospital Insurance trust fund [which finances Part A] and less than 2 percent of the Supplementary Medical Insurance trust fund [which at that time financed Part B]” (Heritage Foundation et al., “Open letter to Congress and the executive: Crisis facing HCFA and millions of Americans,” Health Affairs 1999;18(1):8-10, 8). Obviously, the average of these two trust funds comes to less than 2 percent.</p>
<p>Now that the basic facts are in front of us, let&#8217;s examine Simpson’s strange logic. It is strange in two ways.</p>
<p>First, Simpson assumes undetected fraud is a problem only for Medicare. It is in fact a serious problem for all health insurers, public and private. The US GAO has estimated that fraud eats up 10 percent of all US spending on health care. A national coalition against fraud, which includes US health insurance companies, puts the total at closer to 3 percent. Whatever the accurate number, fraud is occurring at epidemic levels, and it is afflicting private-sector insurers as well as public insurers. If we’re going to charge Medicare with higher-than-reported overhead costs because Medicare is not immune to fraud, then we must do the same for private insurers. If we do that, Medicare’s low overhead costs remain low vis a vis the insurance industry’s overhead costs.</p>
<p>But Simpson’s proposal that we raise our estimate of an insurer’s overhead by the amount by which the insurer is defrauded is irrational, arguably delusional. We may all fervently wish that public and private insurers spent enough money to eliminate fraud. (I am as upset as Simpson is by the Bush administration’s devil-may-care attitude about private-sector corporations ripping off the taxpayer, be it wheelchair manufacturers defrauding Medicare or Halliburton defrauding the Pentagon.) But our wishes can’t change reality – our wishes can’t change what Medicare or any other insurer actually spent on fraud detection in 2007 or any other year. </p>
<p>But just to humor Simpson, let’s follow his odd logic to its conclusion. Let’s raise Medicare’s overhead costs and total spending by the $2.8 billion in fraud that Simpson says Medicare failed to detect and see what happens to Medicare’s overhead ratio, and let’s for kicks just totally ignore fraud committed against the private sector. Total spending for Medicare in 2007 would rise to $431.5 + $2.8 = $434.3. Administrative spending would rise to $6.3 + $2.8 = $9.1 billion. Medicare&#8217;s new Simpson-style overhead ratio is no longer 1.5 percent but is instead 2.1 percent, still far lower than the comparable figure for health insurance companies or even self-insured firms.</p>
<p>I won’t return Simpson the favor of calling him “incredibly dishonest” because he got his facts so wrong. I will say I think he wrote a very sloppy post.</p>
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		<title>By: Health Care BS - MEDICARE-FOR-ALL: STILL A BAD IDEA</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-23260</link>
		<dc:creator>Health Care BS - MEDICARE-FOR-ALL: STILL A BAD IDEA</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 01 Sep 2008 01:37:02 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-23260</guid>
		<description>[...] care reformers to learn from experience. The latest example of this phenomenon can be found at the Health Affairs Blog: Medicare-for-All is the most practical reform option. It would greatly reduce non-benefit outlays [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] care reformers to learn from experience. The latest example of this phenomenon can be found at the Health Affairs Blog: Medicare-for-All is the most practical reform option. It would greatly reduce non-benefit outlays [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Merton Bernstein</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-23251</link>
		<dc:creator>Merton Bernstein</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 29 Aug 2008 15:51:10 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-23251</guid>
		<description>One cannot judge the efficiency of Medicare by the actions - and inactions - of the Bush adminsitration which is so antagonistic to social insurance. The assesssment  which Simpson cites is typical of that adminsitration - making baseless claims of achievements that are bogus. Just call it another &quot;Mission accomplished&quot;.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>One cannot judge the efficiency of Medicare by the actions &#8211; and inactions &#8211; of the Bush adminsitration which is so antagonistic to social insurance. The assesssment  which Simpson cites is typical of that adminsitration &#8211; making baseless claims of achievements that are bogus. Just call it another &#8220;Mission accomplished&#8221;.</p>
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		<title>By: Blogtica.com &#187; Medicare-for-All: Why We Should Say Yes, Not “Yes But”</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-23250</link>
		<dc:creator>Blogtica.com &#187; Medicare-for-All: Why We Should Say Yes, Not “Yes But”</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 29 Aug 2008 03:52:08 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-23250</guid>
		<description>[...] post by Merton Bernstein and software by Elliott [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] post by Merton Bernstein and software by Elliott [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Brian Simpson</title>
		<link>http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/comment-page-1/#comment-23248</link>
		<dc:creator>Brian Simpson</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 29 Aug 2008 03:39:57 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2008/08/28/medicare-for-all-why-we-should-say-yes-not-yes-but/#comment-23248</guid>
		<description>Can we please stop repeating this incredibly dishonest line about Medicare having lower overhead?  They have lower overhead because they do not police fraud as effectively as they should.  According to a New York Times article (not exactly a small government newspaper):

Quote:

But according to a confidential draft of a federal inspector general’s report, those claims of success, which earned Medicare wide praise from lawmakers, were misleading.

In calculating the agency’s rate of improper payments, Medicare officials told outside auditors to ignore government policies that would have accurately measured fraud, according to the report. For example, auditors were told not to compare invoices from salespeople against doctors’ records, as required by law, to make sure that medical equipment went to actual patients.

As a result, Medicare did not detect that more than one-third of spending for wheelchairs, oxygen supplies and other medical equipment in its 2006 fiscal year was improper, according to the report. Based on data in other Medicare reports, that would be about $2.8 billion in improper spending

End quote

$2.8 billion dollars in improper spending blows that 3% administrative costs sky high.  That much widespread abuse of a system doesn&#039;t exactly instill confidence in Medicare as a prescription for all.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Can we please stop repeating this incredibly dishonest line about Medicare having lower overhead?  They have lower overhead because they do not police fraud as effectively as they should.  According to a New York Times article (not exactly a small government newspaper):</p>
<p>Quote:</p>
<p>But according to a confidential draft of a federal inspector general’s report, those claims of success, which earned Medicare wide praise from lawmakers, were misleading.</p>
<p>In calculating the agency’s rate of improper payments, Medicare officials told outside auditors to ignore government policies that would have accurately measured fraud, according to the report. For example, auditors were told not to compare invoices from salespeople against doctors’ records, as required by law, to make sure that medical equipment went to actual patients.</p>
<p>As a result, Medicare did not detect that more than one-third of spending for wheelchairs, oxygen supplies and other medical equipment in its 2006 fiscal year was improper, according to the report. Based on data in other Medicare reports, that would be about $2.8 billion in improper spending</p>
<p>End quote</p>
<p>$2.8 billion dollars in improper spending blows that 3% administrative costs sky high.  That much widespread abuse of a system doesn&#8217;t exactly instill confidence in Medicare as a prescription for all.</p>
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