Sara Rosenbaum, J.D., is the Harold and Jane Hirsh Professor and founding Chair of the Department of Health Policy, George Washington University School of Public Health and Health Services, a unique center of learning, scholarship, and public service focusing on all aspects of health policy.
Professor Rosenbaum has devoted her career to issues of health law and policy affecting low income, minority, and medically underserved populations. Between 1993 and 1994, Professor Rosenbaum worked for President Clinton, directing the legislative drafting of the Health Security Act and developing the Vaccines for Children program. Professor Rosenbaum also served on the Presidential Transition Team for President-Elect Obama.
A graduate of Wesleyan University and Boston University School of Law, Professor Rosenbaum has authored a leading health law textbook as well as more than 350 articles and studies focusing on all phases of health law and health care for medically underserved populations. A holder of numerous awards for her scholarship and service, Professor Rosenbaum is the recipient of the Richard and Barbara Hansen National Health Leadership Award (University of Iowa), a Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Investigator Award in Health Policy Research, and the Oscar and Shoshanna Trachtenberg Award for Scholarship, George Washington University’s highest award for scholarship.
Professor Rosenbaum is a member of CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practice (ACIP) and Director’s Advisory Committee. She also serves as a Commissioner on the Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission, which advises Congress on federal Medicaid and CHIP policy.
Recent Posts by Sara Rosenbaum
Wholesale delegations of lawmaking power to Executive-branch agencies will almost certainly be larded throughout proposed legislation if the Senate approves this week’s expected “motion to proceed,” providing a real gut check for constitutional conservatives.
July 24, 2017 | Following the ACA
Section 1115 is not a license to the HHS Secretary to rewrite the Medicaid statute to fit a dramatically altered federal funding environment.
Where Medicaid is concerned, the most notable thing about the latest version of the Better Care Reconciliation Act is that despite the drama of the past two weeks, the new iteration leaves untouched the problematic fundamental Medicaid contours of the earlier version.
With legislation that governs one-sixth of the US economy and that directly affects the health and economic security of millions of constituents, Senators are being asked to vote largely in the dark.
Although it differs in important details, the draft Medicaid provisions of the Better Care Reconciliation Act share the vision of its House-passed counterpart, the American Health Care Act: to, as much as possible, shield the federal government from the cost of Medicaid.
On June 22, 2017, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) released the Senate GOP’s version of Affordable Care Act repeal, the Better Care Reconciliation Act of 2017. The Senate bill is in many respects quite different from the House’s American Health Care Act.
Medicaid reform demands a deliberative process, one that operates in regular order and carefully considers a wide range of options for controlling costs in the nation’s single largest source of health insurance.
The Israeli system rests on the concept of competing private health plans selling care in a market of empowered consumers. But one crucial difference is how Israel approaches the question of what it means to be covered.
Titled “Flexible Block Grant Option for States,” the amendment adds a coda of sorts to the bill’s new Medicaid per capita cap payment system. It would virtually eliminate any coverage obligations.
Anyone who has had the chance to witness (or be part of) any of the epic health reform dramas that continually play out in Washington D.C. will agree: in the end, it always comes down to Medicaid. We have once again arrived at one of those moments.